At present, the Islamic Ummah continues to solve for itself the difficult problem of adjusting the social role of women and the degree of their potential impact on spiritual life. Now, for example, in the United States and China, there are constantly practicing female imams, which receives a very mixed assessment from the ulama and public figures of the Islamic world. It is all the more interesting to identify and study such experiences within the Russian historical space: Have we ever experienced such phenomena in the very center of Russia - in the Volga region?

The study of this issue, in our opinion, actualizes the study of the following scientific problems:: 1) the question of the potential of reformism in the" northern " Volga region Islam; 2) the question of the specifics and nature of the transfer of cult skills and practices within the Soviet society. This experience is all the more unique to us, because the Soviet Union was a country of "victorious socialism", which was clearly not on the path with religion, and even more so with a modernized Islam.

According to observers and archival official sources, in a number of villages in the Middle Volga regions during the war and the first post-war years, various phenomena were observed, including ambiguous and "sectarian" from the point of view of the official clergy and the state, in which women played a leading role. Let's look at the forms of their participation in religious practices during the period under study and try to systematize them according to the principle: new - traditional, comparing individual manifestations of "women's" activity on various IP sites.-

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toric stages: during the war and in the 1950s. Such an analysis gives us an opportunity to assess which elements of the cult practice were fixed and became part of the ritual, and which were rejected for various reasons.

This article does not pretend to be complete in its consideration of this subject. The limits that limit the historian's work in this field are objective and, alas, almost insurmountable. We are talking about the scarcity of sources and the objective impossibility of conducting sociological research among people who could provide such information.

For objective reasons, the spiritual life of society during the Great Patriotic War is poorly covered. Among other factors, the fundamental unwillingness of the state to identify and analyze the religious component of the spiritual development of society had a negative impact. Therefore, in our reasoning, we largely have to start from narrative sources - press materials, memoirs. The sources of the next stage (late 1940s-mid - 1950s) are more representative. Key materials that give an idea of general trends and dynamics, including gender issues, are reports and analytical reports of regional and republican (in the case of the TASSR)organizations. Authorized representatives of the Council for Religious Affairs. However, it should be noted that the statistical materials of this agency (at different levels) are known to be inaccurate, so we use them with certain reservations. Possession of official written sources does not in any way cancel the use of data from oral history, as well as periodicals and newspapers of that period. Nevertheless, the source base available to the author of the article made it possible to make certain judgments and outline the general contours of the problem.

If we talk about historiography, we face even greater difficulties, since today this problem remains practically undeveloped. The only serious scientific study by R. G. Baltanova 1 in the sections on this period contains mostly sociolog ical data.-

Baltanova R. G. 1. Muslim woman: history and modernity. Kazan: Kokpitkomputer Publ., 2007.

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critical comments and general comments. In our scientific search, we could rely on individual journal publications of the 2000s, as well as on scattered details given in the research of Soviet Islamic scholars.

Sources show that during the war years in some rural settlements there were collective prayers of the fairer sex in cemeteries and in homes under the leadership of women. Similar facts were noted in Gorkovskaya 2 and Ulyanovsk oblasts 3. We emphasize that these facts were isolated in the Volga region, but in previous periods they were generally improbable.4 The explanation for this phenomenon is quite obvious - the absence of male imams, most of whom suffered during the years of repression in the 1930s and went to the front, in the presence of a high need for spiritual support.

In addition, women, as a rule, of advanced age (over 60 years) visited those mosques that for some reason were not closed during the years of persecution, the number of which was understandably very small. During the war years, some religious associations in the Tatar ASSR, Kuibyshev, and Penza Oblasts5 reported that women visited mosques. Materials of oral and written history show that the number of parishioners increased during major religious holidays (Eid al-Fitr, Eid al-Adha). Unfortunately, it is not possible to provide numerical indicators for the above reasons.

It should be noted that the admission of women to the mosque in the pre-revolutionary and pre-war period was considered a violation of the tra-

2. Sources mention similar phenomena in the villages of Krasnooktyabrsky district of the Gorky region (Aktukovo, Medyana, Ovechi Ravine) (TSANO) f. R-5899. Op. 2. D. 7-L. 53, 54.

3. A.V. Kobzev writes about the activities of Z. B. Akhunova in the village of Novye Timersyany as a representative of the" unmarked " clergy (i.e., a mullah who conducts his activities outside the mosque) (Kobzev A.V. Unregistered groups of Muslims of the Ulyanovsk region in the 40s-80s of the XX century//Russian History, 2011, No. 2, p. 62).

4. Thus, in the pre-war period, in the 1930s, there were isolated cases of women imams appearing in the villages of the Caucasus, but no similar cases were recorded in the Volga region and Central Asia (Religious and Anti-religious movement in the USSR and abroad: collection of articles, Moscow: OGIZ, 1933, p. 54).

Koroleva L. A., Korolev A. A. 5. Rossiyskaya moslemka-tatarka iz sovetskogo proshlogo, 1940-1980 - e gg. (Po materialam Srednego Povolzhya) [Russian Muslim Tatar woman from the Soviet past, 1940-1980-ies (Based on the materials of the Middle Volga region)]. http://womaninrussia.ru/content/rossiiskaya-musulmanka-tatarka-iz-sovetskogo-proshlogo-1940 %E2%8o%94198o-e-gg-po-materialam-srednego.

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the usual way of religious life 6. Only in the second half of the 1920s was it authorized to allow women to enter the mosque in a limited way (at the discretion of mullahs), as well as to attend certain ceremonies. Then some mullahs began to organize separate women's meetings in mosques (in the village of Ermakovo, Samara province), where they held religious conversations and agitated for visiting the mosque. 7 A mullah in the village of Amerkhanovo (Samara province) instructed Tatar women to buy a charshau (curtain for separating women from men)and go to the mosque five times. 8 It should be noted that such phenomena were not widespread.

From our point of view, in the rural environment, such reformism often had an external nature, i.e. it was a "response" to the "challenges" of the time, and not the result of internal evolution. In its own way, the mullahs 'concessions on the" women's issue " can be interpreted as the result of ideological and political competition with the party and the Soviets, focusing on the example of Turkey, which has taken the path of creating a secular state, and a number of other reasons. The Tatar communities of large cities (Moscow, Leningrad, Kazan)were more prepared for secularization9.

Another form of cult practice in which women participated was associated with the performance of specific forms of religious activities. Women were the guardians of the so-called "holy places" (avliya 10). For example, in d. Ovechi Ravine (Gorky region) Sadek-abzi's house was visited by pilgrims from neighboring Tatar villages. They were met by women who lived in

Faizov S. F. 6. Movement of Muslim women of Russia for the rights of women in 1917: pages of history / Ed. for issue D. V. Mukhetdinov. Nizhniy Novgorod: NIM "Makhinur", 2005. p. 50; Zagidulin I. K. Islamic institutes in the Russian Empire: Mosques in the European part of Russia and Siberia. Kazan: Tatar Publ., 2007, p. 209; Islam in Nizhny Novgorod region: Encyclopedia / Collection. author; comp. and ed. by D. V. Mukhetdinov. Nizhny Novgorod: Medina Publishing House, 2007, pp. 160-161.

7. CA FSB. F. 2. Op. 5. D. 328. L. 1-4; Islam and the Soviet state. Issue 1: (based on the materials of the Eastern Department). OGPU, 1926) / introductory articles, comp. and comments by D. Yu. Arapov and G. G. Kosach, Moscow: Marjani House Publishing House, 2010, pp. 47-48.

8. SOGASPI. F. 1. Op. 1. D. 438.

Baltanova R. G. 9.Moslemka: istoriya i sovremennost ' [Muslim woman: history and modernity]. Kazan: Kokpitkomputer Publ., 2007.

Avliya (aulie) -10 . "saints", "beloved of Alah", "close associates of Kalah", whose veneration is expressed in visiting (ziyarat) the places where they are buried (aulie kabare).

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in the house of the "saint"who died at the end of the XIX century11. It should be noted that this practice was also common in Central Asia, where, among other things, there were even specific "sacred" places for women.12
Some forms of ritual practice that took place during the war years looked very ambiguous in the assessments of contemporaries. Observers described a rite of worship in a village in the Gorky region, where women went naked into a field and prayed to God and the Sun that their relatives would return home alive.13
Such an unconventional form of worship, in our opinion, could be associated with a complex of circumstances. First, the absence of legally functioning mosques caused deformations, a departure from the usual canons of conducting religious actions. Secondly, the underlying reason for resorting to atypical practices could be the historical tradition of long-term cohabitation of Mishar Tatars with Finno-Ugric and other Turkic ethnic groups within this region14, as well as the retention (or resurrection) in the mass or individual consciousness of elements of pre-Islamic beliefs and cult practices15. All this was compounded by the psychological severity of the moment experienced, which pushed the fairer sex to do things that were illogical and inexplicable from the point of view of an outsider. It is possible that these and similar phenomena may also have been part of the "spontaneous process of Muslim ritualism" .16
Traditional and characteristic of the pre-war and war period, the form of individual conversations at home, conducted by the wives of mullahs ("abystai"), remained17. They hosted special events

Fetkulin K. R. 11. Sadek abzi: Essays on history. Nizhny Novgorod: Selskiye Vesti Publishing House, 2005.

12. Islam on the territory of the former Russian Empire: an encyclopedia / ed. by S. M. Prozorov. Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura RAS Publ., 2006, p. 71.

13. Tatar rural communities of the Nizhny Novgorod region in the XX century (1901-1985). pp. 147-148.
14. For more information, see Mukhamedova R. G. Tatary-mishare, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1972, p. 182.

15. For example, as early as the 1920s, sources recorded in some Tatar villages of the Nizhny Novgorod region rites of "rain evocation", which Russian officials, by analogy with the Orthodox, called "processions of the cross" (TSANO. F. R-2626. Op. 1. D. 63. L. 35).

16. Tatary, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 2001, p. 373.

17. This term refers to the spouse of a Muslim leader and / or a woman who reads the Qur'an and provides assistance in performing religious rites.

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women's prayer meetings, instructed young people privately, in violation of the existing Soviet legislation, i.e., actually risking their freedom, taught children the basics of religious literacy and Arabic graphics.18
Let's turn to the materials of the post-war period in order to find out which of the cult innovations related to the participation of women were fixed, and which were not.

The first form of religious activity of women - participation in prayer services as primates at prayer-is not observed in the subsequent period. According to official data from 1951, none of the 49 registered mosques in the Gorky, Penza, Kuibyshev and Ulyanovsk regions had official female imams.19 At the same time, seven parishes did not have a permanent minister of worship, i.e., figuratively speaking, there were 20 vacant places. Nor were they listed as leaders of unregistered groups - the so-called "illegals "or"wandering mullahs". Thus, the first innovation - the management of prayer services-goes into oblivion.

In the post-war period, as a mass phenomenon, women's prayers in rural mosques are also not observed. Most women between the ages of 14 and 60 did not attend village mosques on normal days, with the exception of major religious holidays, which (again apart from men) could be attended by younger girls and female representatives over 60 years of age. For example, the number of women who visited rural mosques in the Kuibyshev region on Eid al-Fitr day in 1957 was 488, with a total of more than 10,000 worshippers.21 In the regional center in 1957, during the celebration of Eid al-Adha at the city cemetery, observers counted only 62 elderly women who prayed behind the fence, not mixing with a crowd of two thousand men, 22 and in 1959, 53 representatives of the weaker sex were present in the same situation.23
Similar phenomena are quite typical for other Muslim regions.

Baltanova R. G. 18. Moslemka, p. 215.

19. Calculated by us by: GARF. F. R-6991. Op. 4. d. 27.

20. Ibid.

21. Calculated by us according to: SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 132. D. 12.

22. Ibid.

23. SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 128. D. 17. L. 74.

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According to our estimates, based on official statistics, in 1958 in the Kuibyshev region, 610 women attended Eid al-Adha celebrations in mosques and illegally assembled groups.24 In the Gorky region, this figure ranged from 240 to 300 people.25
But at the same time, in some villages (usually densely populated), there was a certain percentage of women who were declared in official papers as constantly attending the mosque. This situation was noted by the authorities, for example, in six of the 20 registered associations in the Kuibyshev region26. For example, in the village of Kamyshla (district center), 812 out of 1,538 community members were women27. From our point of view, their inclusion in the lists of believers could be dictated not only by real facts (although there were precedents for active mosque attendance, as we have already mentioned), but also by legal requirements. When registering religious societies, officials paid attention, among other things, to quantitative indicators, and the inclusion of women in the community (with declared gender equality) made it possible to clearly show its viability.

Thus, it should be noted that in general, the tradition of separate prayer services was preserved on the Middle Volga. Women's participation in public rites (collective Friday prayers in mosques and cemeteries) was strictly limited by age indicators and generally discouraged.

The third form of activity has also found its continuation. In the few remaining villages (Ovechi Ravine, Starye Mochalei, Semyonovka, Gorkovskaya oblast 28, Blagodarovka village, Alkino village, Kuibyshev Oblast 29), women were often the ones who organized pilgrimages and supported people.-

24. SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 123. D. 40. L. 80-147.

25. GARF. F. R-6991. Op. 6. D. 770. L. 6-9.

26. Ibid. Op. 123. d. 40. L. 80-147.

27. Ibid., pp. 80-145.

28. Islam na Nizhegorodchine: entsiklopedicheskii slovar ' [Islam in the Nizhny Novgorod region: an encyclopedia], p. 9.

29. In the 1950s, this village was the center of Sufi tradition maintenance in the Middle Volga region (Galyautdinov I. M. Light of Truth: history of Muslim communities of the Samara region in documents, illustrations, memoirs. Samara: Etch, 2009. p. 126-129; Minullin I. Sufizm v sovetskom Tatarstane: k postanovke problemy [Sufism in Soviet Tatarstan: to the problem statement]/And. Minullin, A. Minvaleev//Echo of the ages = Gasyrlaravazy. 2007. N 1. pp. 129-130).

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It is necessary to keep the "holy places" (graves of sheikhs, "sacred springs") in their proper form.

According to the memoirs of contemporaries, after the death of Mullah Ovechi Ravine Alim Sabirovich Sabirov (1879-1957), a descendant of the" holy "Sadek-abzi Yunusov," his wife Aysya abystay Sabirov continued his work " 30. In the following period, the "holy sisters" who lived in Sadek-abzi's house - distant relatives, caretakers-Sara-apa and Murshidya-apa Arifullins received pilgrims from Moscow, Gorky, Ivanovo and other regions in order to"save from sins". They kept the grave and the house of "Saint Sadek" in order, maintaining order and providing assistance to the pilgrims.31 This is how contemporaries remember it:

Sadeq-abzi bequeathed through him to make supplications to Allah. He is credited with saying: "Even if there is nothing left (no house, no things), but only the land on which I lived, I will help people." The Arifullina sisters were physically handicapped (one was deaf, the other had no leg), but they were distinguished by crystal honesty, decency and spiritual sensitivity. They listened very carefully to people, gave wise advice, welcomed pilgrims and were unselfish in their service. The good memory of them is still alive 32.

In the village of Alkino (Kuibyshev region) in the 1950s, there was a "holy key", which was taken care of by women together with men. For water that was considered "no worse than from the Meccan spring of Zem-Zem", believers came from nearby villages.33 It is possible that in similar cases with the "holy places" mentioned by officials in the TASSR, Ulyanovsk region, there was also a "female trace" 34.

Fetkulin K. R. 30. Sadek abzi. p. 61.

31. History of Tatar rural communities of the Nizhny Novgorod region in the XX century (1901-1985). p. 206.

32. Informant-Sania Abdulbyarovna Abdulina, born in 1930, Ovechy Ravine village, Krasnooktyabrsky district, Nizhny Novgorod region.

33. SOGASPI. Op. 132. d. 12. L. 179-182.

34. GA RF. F. R-6991. Op. 6. D. 1874. L. 23; Ibragimov R. Unofficial religious associations of Muslims of Tatarstan in the 1940s-1960s/ / Islam in the Soviet and post-Soviet space: history and methodological aspects of research: Materials of the All-Russian conference " Islam in the Soviet and post-Soviet space

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Cautiously, we can say that there is a link between Sufi practices and the involvement of women in cult practices. Back in the 1920s and 1930s, the authorities indignantly noted the facts of meetings organized not only by mullahs, but also by ishans35 among women. In the 1950s, it was in those villages where the Sufi tradition was strong that there was a high percentage of women who attended the mosque, but their age was still limited (over 60 years). Similar facts, which were disappointing for the authorities, were presented in relation to the population of the Volga Sufi center, the village of Blagodarovka (Khusainovo) in the Chelnovershinsky district of the Kuibyshev region. As the official noted, "the number of women in the parish of the local mosque has increased, as ishanahs indicate their equality with a man, but their age is limited." 36
The wives of Ishan D. Blagodarovka and Valiakhmet Sabirov traveled to the Tatar ASSR in 1952, where they were given all sorts of honors. They enjoyed the unquestionable authority and support of their fellow villagers. It was their support that the successor of the Sabirov case, Ishan Gabdulbari Mulyukovich, should have enlisted.

The last, fourth, form of women's religious activity also remains unchanged. According to official data from 1951-1957, female representatives accounted for half of the total number of people who observed Eid (fast) (for example, 4-456 out of 8,913 in the Kuibyshev region)38. In the 1950s, a consistently high percentage of women observed fasting and involved their children in it. In 1957, according to the most approximate estimates, 2,500 Tatars observed Eid al-Fitr in Kuibyshev, of which 1,500 were representatives of the fairer sex.39 In the second half of the 1950s, 450 men, 700 women, 180 young people and 250 schoolchildren were fasting in Novo-Mansurkino (Kuibyshev region); 47 men were fasting in Alkino.-

space: forms of survival and existence", Kazan, 2003 / comp. and edited by R. M. Mukhametshin. Kazan, 2004. p. 168.

Ishan 35. - accepted in the Volga-Ural region and Central Asia designation of a Sufi sheikh.

36. SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 123. D. 40. L. 192-199.

37. Under the white turban/ / "Volga commune". 1959. December 18.

38. Calculated by us according to: SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 123. D. 40. L. 22.

39. SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 132. D. 12. L. 83.

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rank and 538 women. In 1958, in the same New Mansurkino, a steady increase in fasting was noted, and girls aged 8 to 14 years were attracted to it.40 In general, it should be noted that throughout this period, the level of female religiosity was estimated as consistently high41.

In addition to the above, such traditional elements of Islamic culture as kalym (bride price), nikah (Muslim wedding ceremony) were preserved. Even in the mid-1950s, in the Kazakh villages of the Kuibyshev region (the village of Stalinsky Drom), there were cases of bride theft when a young man did not have the financial opportunity to pay kalym. "There are facts of theft of girls in the Kuibyshev (rural) district in the collective farm "Stalinsky Drom" of the Bogdanovsky rural council, the collective farmer Idryasov Makhmut married the stolen girl. " 42
In many localities, such "old traditions" were preserved: Tatar women and girls, when meeting the opposite sex, at best passed by the man and turned away, and in some cases women covered their faces. There was information that religious parents prohibited their children from attending the club because of their religious beliefs.43 Parents told their female students to stand half-turned to the male teacher when they went to the blackboard. Similar phenomena were recorded in the following villages: Deniskino, Karabikulovo, Shentalinsky district, Muratsha, Alekseevsky district, Novo-Feyzullovo, Kutuzovsky district, and in some villages of Kamyshlinsky district, Kuibyshev region44.

Analyzing the gender characteristics of Islamic religious practices of the war and post-war period, we can conclude that during this period, modernization processes had a limited impact on their religious life. Rare cases of activation of the feminine principle (performing the functions of mullahs) that took place during the war period are not fixed in the future, since they were not the result of internal evolution, but rather were only a "response" to state policy in the spirit of

40. Ibid. Op. 123. D. 40. L. 22, 93.

Baltanova R. G. 41. Muslim Woman, p. 213.

42. SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 123. D. 40. L. 55, 56, 179-182.

43. SOGASPI. F. 656. Op. 123. D. 40. L. 127; Op. 132. D. 12. L. 114.

44. Ibid.

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emancipation is the result of socio-economic and demographic circumstances. As academician V. V. Barthold rightly pointed out in his article "The Original Islam and the Woman", "it seems that a lasting improvement in the status of women can be expected not from reforms based on Islam,but from the progress of forms of social and cultural life." 45
By the end of the 1950s, due to the strengthening of the anti-religious component of state events and changes in demographic indicators, the reverse process will occur. Women imams were no longer seen in these areas during this period, but women in various forms consolidated their place in the world of so-called" unofficial " Islam. In general, despite the state's declared policy of equality, the Russian tradition of treating women is very patriarchal and the Middle Volga Muslim Tatars in this historical period fully shared it. And in the Muslim environment, it was even more strengthened, since in the traditional view of followers of Islam in the Volga region, the sphere of social activity of women should be limited.

The modern Russian Islamic elite adheres to these ideas, limiting a woman's social activity to moral norms and women's responsibility for fulfilling maternal and marital duties: "A Muslim woman has the right to study and work, engage in social activities and express her civic position. However, the main responsibility of a woman is always to take care of the family and raise children. " 46
Bibliography

Archive materials

State Archive of the Russian Federation (GA RF).

F. 6991 (Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR).

Samara State Archive of Socio-Political History (SOGASPI).

F. 1 (Samara Provincial Committee of the CPSU (b)).

Central Archive of the Nizhny Novgorod Region (TSANO).

Bartold V. V. 45. Sochineniya [Works]. Т.VI Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1966, p. 650.

46. Kuliyev E. R., Murtazin M. F., Mukhametshin R. M., et al., Islamic Studies: A guide for teachers, Moscow: Izd-vo Mosk. Islamic University, 2008, pp. 234-235.

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F. R-2626 (Nizhny Novgorod (Gorky) Regional Council of Workers', Peasants ' and Red Army Deputies and its executive Committee).

F. R-5899 (Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR for the Gorky region).

Central Archive of the FSB of the Russian Federation (CA FSB).

F. 2 (the foundation has no name).

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